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Three Public Interventions
"We are wetbacks we are web-backs we defy your sense of belonging
to a world you can't even understand despite your claims of discovery
and ownership" Techno-placa distributed on the internet, 1997
The Virtual Barrio @ The Other Frontier
(or the Chicano interneta)1997
by Guillermo Gómez-Peña
From 1995 to 1997,this text went through many revisions and appeared
in various contexts, including Internet magazines, zines and public discussions.
An early version appeared in the book "Clicking In: Hot Links to a Digital
Culture," edited by artist Lynn Hershman (Bay Press, 1996). This version
is considerably revised; I have rewriten certain sections and elaborated
key points.
Some colleagues have pointed out various contradictions in the text:
Mexican artist Pedro Meyer and Le Mond journalist Francis Pisani observed
that I criticize the role of "victimization" that Latinos assume in relation
to high-technology,but that I often assume the tone and positionality
of a victim. Meyer also noted that it was strange that I chose to originally
write the text in English, since I criticize the use of English as lingua
franca of the net. I have chosen to not "correct" my "contradictions;"
rather, I have incorporated these observations into the internal debate
of the text.
I wish to express to the reader that this text, like most of my theoretical
writing, suffers from an acute crises of literary identity -- partly because
it reflects my ever-shifting positionalities as a Mexicano/Chicano interdisciplinary
artist and writer living and working between two countries and multiple
communities, but also because the text attempts to describe fast-changing
realities and fluctuating cultural attitudes that will probably seem dated
in a very short time. As of now, I am still not sure of the best format
to articulate these ideas: a "personal" chronicle as in the first section
of the text, a theoretical essay capable of containing contradictory voices
(anathema in traditional academic writing) as in sections 2 and 3, or
an activist manifesto, as in the final part.
Throughout the text, I constantly shift from "I" to "we.", The "we"
at different times refers to "my main collaborator Roberto Sifuentes and
I," "my (techno-art) colleagues and I," "all Chicanos on the net," or
"all outsiders/insiders on the net." This "we" is shifting, temporary,
and contextual. I am fully aware of the risks of using such a collective
pronoun, but I cannot escape the following predicament : " We" all criticize
the problems of a "master narrative" in the 90's, and yet "we" all express
a desire to belong to a community larger than our immediate tribe of collaborators.
How to resolve this, I still don't know).
I: Fighting my own endemic "tecnofobia":
I venture into the terra ignota of cyberlandia without documents, a
map or an invitation at hand. In doing so, I become a sort of virus, the
cyber-version of the Mexican fly: irritating, inescapable, and hopefully
highly contagious.
My "lowrider" laptop is decorated with a 3-D decal of the Virgin of
Guadalupe, the spiritual queen of Spanish-speaking America. It's like
a traveling altar, an office and a literary bank all in one. Since I spend
70% of the year on the road, my computer is second only to my phone
card as a primary means of keeping in touch with my agent, editors, and
performance collaborators spread throughout the US, Mexico and Europe.
The month before a major performance project, most of the technical preparations,
last minute negotiations and calendar changes take place in the mysterious
territory of cyberspace. Unwillingly, I have become a techno-artist and
an information superhighway bandido.
I use the term "unwillingly" because like most Mexican artists, my relationship
with digital technology is characterized by paradox and contradictions.
I don't quite understand them, yet I am seduced by them. I don't want
to know how they work; but I love how they look and what they do. I criticize
my techno-savvy colleagues who are acritically immersed in las nuevas
tecnologías, yet I silently envy them; I resent the fact that I
am constantly told that as a "Latino," I am supposedly "culturally handicapped"
or somehow unfit to handle high technology. Once I have the apparatus
in front of me, however, I am uncontrollably compelled to work against
it -- to question it, expose it, subvert it, and/or imbue it with humor,
radical politics, and linguas polutas such as Spanglish, Franglé
and cyberñol.
Contradiction prevails. Two years ago, my collaborator Cybervato (Roberto
Sifuentes) and I bullied ourselves into the hegemonic space of the net.
Once we were generously adopted by various communities (Arts Wire, Chicle
and Latino net, among others), we suddenly started to lose interest in
maintaining ongoing conversations with phantasmagoric beings we had never
met in person (I must confess to a Mexican cultural prejudice: if I don't
know you in person, I don't really care to converse with you). Then we
started sending a series of poetic/activist "techno-placas"* in Spanglish.
In these short communiqués, we raised tough questions regarding
access, identity politics, and language. Since the responses were sporadic
and unfocused (at the time we didn't quite know where to post them in
order to get maximum visibility), our interest began to dim. It was only
through the gracious persistence of our techno-colleagues that we decided
to remain seated at the virtual table.
Today, despite the fact that Roberto and I spend a lot of time in front
of our laptops conceptualizing performance projects that incorporate new
technologies or redesigning our web site, every time we are invited to
participate in a public discussion around art and technology, we tend
to emphasize its shortcomings and overstate our skepticism. Why? I can
only speak for myself. Perhaps I have some computer traumas, or suffer
from endemic digital fibrosis.
Confieso: I've been utilizing computers since 1988; however, during
the first 5 years, I used my old Mac as a glorified typewriter. During
those years I accidentally deleted 300 pages of original texts which I
hadn't backed up on disks and thus was forced to reconstruct from memory.
The thick and confusing "user friendly" manuals fell many times from my
impatient hands. As a result, I spent desperate nights cursing the mischievous
gods of cyber-space, and dialing promising "hot lines" that were rarely
answered, or if they were, provided me with complicated instructions in
a computer Esperanto I was unable to follow.
My bittersweet relationship to technology dates back to my formative
years in the highly politicized ambiance of Mexico City in the 70's. As
a young, self-proclaimed "radical artist," I was full of ideological dogmas:
in my perception, high technology was intrinsically dehumanizing (enajenante
in Spanish) and was mostly used as a means to control "us" (little techno-illiterate
people) politically. My critique of technology overlapped with my critique
of capitalism. To me, "capitalists" were rootless (and faceless) corporate
men who utilized mass media to advertise their useless electronic gadgets.
They sold us unnecessary devices that kept us eternally in debt (as a
country and as individuals), and conveniently distracted us from "the
truly important matters of life." Of course, these
"important matters" included sex, music, spirituality and "revolution"
California-style (meaning, en abstracto y bien fashionable ). As a child
of contradiction, although I considered myself a rabid "anti-technology
artist," I owned a little Datsun, and listened to my favorite US and British
rock groups on my Panasonic importado, often while meditating or making
love as a means to "liberate myself" from capitalist socialization. My
favorite clothes, books, posters and albums had all been made by "capitalists"
with the help of technology, but for some obscure reason, I was oblivious
to the contradiction between my ideological stance and my affection for
these devices.
Luckily, my family never lost their magical thinking and sense of humor
about technology. My parents were easily seduced by refurbished and slightly
dated American and Japanese electronic goods. We bought them as fayuca
(contraband) in Tepito neighborhood, and they occupied an important place
in the decoration of our "modern" middle-class home. Our huge color TV
set, for example, was decorated to perform the double function of entertainment
unit and involuntary postmodern altar, with nostalgic photos of relatives,
paper flowers, and assorted figurines all around it. So was the humongous
equipo de sonido next to it, with an amplifier, eight-track tape machine,
two record players and at least fifteen speakers that constantly played
a syncretic array of music, including Mexican composer Agustin Lara, Los
Panchos (with Edie Gorme), Sinatra, Esquivel, and Eartha Kit. Cumbia followed
Italian operas, and rock and roll alternated with racheras.(In this sense,
my father was my first involuntary instructor of postmodern thought.)
Though I was sure that with the scary arrival of the first microwave oven
to our traditional kitchen, our delicious daily meals were going to be
replaced overnight by sleazy fast food, my mother soon realized that el
microondas was only good to reheat cold coffee and soup. The point was
to own it, and to display it prominently as yet another sign of modernidad.
(At the time, modernity in Mexico was perceived as synonymous with US
technology and pop culture). When I moved North to California (and therefore
into the future), I would often buy cheesy electronic trinkets for my
family (I didn't regard them as "cheesy" at the time). During vacations,
going back to visit my family in Mexico City such presents ipso facto
turned me into an emissary of both prosperity and modernity. Once I bought
an electric ionizador for grandma. She put it in the middle of her bedroom
altar, and kept it there (unplugged, of course) for months. When I next
saw her, she told me: "Mijito, since you gave me that thing, I can breathe
much better." She never plugged it in, but she probably did. Things like
televisions, short wave radios, microwave ovens, and later ionizers, walkman
radios, crappie calculadoras, digital watches and video cameras were seen
by my family and friends as alta tecnologia, and their function was at
least as much social, ritual, sentimental, symbolic and aesthetic as it
was pragmatic
It is no coincidence that in my early performance work (1979-1990),
chafa (cheap or low) technology performed ritual and aesthetic functions
as well. Verbigratia: For years, I used TV monitors as centerpieces for
my "video-altars" on stage, and several "gettho blasters" placed in different
parts of the gallery or theatre as sound environments for my performances,
each with a different tape and volume. Fog machines, strobe lights, gobos,
megaphones and voice filters have remained trademark elements in my performances.
By 1990, I sarcastically baptized my aesthetic practice, "Aztec high-tech
art." When I teamed with "Cyber Vato" Sifuentes (1991), we decided that
what we were doing was "techno-rascuache art." In a Glossary of Borderismos
that dates back to 1994, we defined it as "a new aesthetic that fuses
performance art, epic rap poetry, interactive television, experimental
radio and computer art, but with a Chicanocentric perspective and an sleazoide
bent." As of today, my relationship with high technology remains unresolved.
I am able to theorize about its aesthetic possibilities and political
implications, but I am incapable of implementing any of my theories "hands
on." Luckily, thanks to Roberto and other cyber-accomplices, at times
I can pass for a "techno-performance artist."
"(Mexicans) are simple people. They are happy with the little they've
got...They are not ambitious and complex like us. They don't need all
this technology to communicate. Sometimes I just feel like going down
there and living among them."
Anonymous "confession" from the internet
II: Mythical Differences
The mythology goes like this. Mexicans (and by extension other Latinos)
can't handle high technology. Caught between a pre-industrial past and
an imposed modernity, we continue to be identified as manual beings --
Homo Fabers per excellence, imaginative artisans (not technicians), our
understanding of the world strictly political, poetical or at best metaphysical,
but certainly not scientific or technological. Furthermore, we are perceived
as sentimental, passionate creatures (meaning irrational), and when we
decide to step out of our "primitive" realm and utilize high technology
in our art (most of the time we are not even interested), we are meant
to naively repeat what others, primarily Anglos and Europeans, have already
done much better.
We Latinos often feed this mythology by overstating our "romantic nature"
and "humanistic" orientation, and/or by assuming the role of "colonial
victims" of technology. We are always ready to point out that social and
interpersonal relations in the US (the strange land of the future) are
totally mediated, filtered, distorted, or managed by faxes, phones, computers,
and other sophisticated technologies we are not even aware of, and that
the overabundance of information technology in everyday life is directly
responsible for the social handicaps, sexual neuroses and ethical crises
of US citizens.
Is it precisely our lack of access to these goods what makes us overstate
our differences? "We," on the contrary, socialize profusely, absorb information
ritually and sensually; and remain in touch with our (allegedly still
intact) primeval selves. The mythology continues to unfold: Since our
families and communities are not exposed to the "daily dehumanizating
effects of high technology," we are somehow unaffected by philosophical
"illnesses" such as despair, fragmentation, and nihilism, so characteristic
of the postmodern condition in advanced capitalist societies. "Our" problems
are mainly political, not personal or psychological, and so on and so
forth. . . . This simplistic and extremely problematic binary world view
portrays Mexico and Mexicans as technologically underdeveloped yet culturally
and spiritually superior to its northern neighbor.
Reality is much more complicated. The average Anglo-American does not
understand new technologies either. People of color and women in the US
don't have equal access to cyberspace, despite the egalitarian myths promoted
by devotees of high technology. Furthermore, American culture has always
led the most radical (and often childish) movements against its own technological
development, naively trying to "get back to nature." (In the 90's, American
Luddites tend to be much more puritanical and intolerant than their Mexican
counterparts). Meanwhile, the average urban Mexican (more than 70%
of all Mexicans live in large cities), exposed to world transculture on
a daily basis, is already afflicted to varying degrees with the same types
of "First World" existential malaise allegedly produced by high technology
and advanced capitalism. In fact, the new generation of Mexicans, including
my hip generación-Mex nephews and my eight year-old, fully bicultural
son, are completely immersed in and defined by MTV, personal computers,
super-Nintendo, video games and virtual reality (even if they don't own
a computer). In fact, I would go as far as to say that in contemporary
Mexico, generational borders can already be determined by cyberliteracy
and the degree of familiarity with high technology. Far from being the
rrrroomantic pre-industrial paradise of the American imagination, the
Mexico of the 90's is already a virtual nation whose fluctuating boundaries
are largely defined by transnational pop culture, television, tourism,
free market economics (a dysfunctional version, of course), and yes, whether
we like it or not. . . the internet.
But life in the ranchero global village is riddled with epic contradictions.
Very few people south of the border are on line, and those who are "wired,"
tend to belong to the upper and upper-middle classes, and are mostly professionals
or corporate employees. The Zapatista phenomenon is a famous exception
to this norm. Since 1995, Subcomandante Marcos, techno-performance artist
extraordinaire, has been communicating with the "outside world" through
the extremely popular Zapatista web sites sponsored and designed by US
and Canadian radical scholars and activists. These pages are more familiar
to those outside of Mexico for a simple reason: Telmex, the Mexican Telephone
company, makes it practically impossible for anyone living outside of
the main Mexican cities to gain internet access, arguing that "there are
simply not enough lines to handle both telephone and internet users."
Every time my colleagues and I have attempted to create some kind of
binational dialogue via digital technologies (ie. to link Los Angeles
to Mexico City through satellite video-telephone), we are faced with a
myriad
complications and assymetries. In Mexico, with few exceptions, the handful
of artists who have regular access to high technologies and who are interested
in this kind of transnational techno-dialogue tend to be socially privileged,
politically uninformed, and aesthetically uninteresting. And the funding
sources willing to support this type of project are clearly interested
in controlling who is part of the experiment.
"Rebecca [Solnit] thinks America Online is like K-Mart, and keeps getting
lost in the aisles somewhere between press-on-nails and flash sessions.
This morning AOL fell asleep while I was forwarding your text to my brother
(the Anglo-Sandinista one) and it disappeared. Maybe it's like a combination
of K-Mart and the Argentinean military, what with all this disappearing,
loco?"
(Excerpt from an e-mail)
III: Cyber-migras & "Webbacks"
Roberto and I arrived late to the technological debate, along with a
dozen other Chicano experimental artists. At the time, we were shocked
by the unexamined ethnocentrism permeating the discussions around art
and digital technology, especially in California. The master narrative
was couched either in the utopian, dated language of Western democratic
values or as a bizarre form of New Age anti-corporate/corporate jargon;
the unquestioned lingua franca was of course English, "the official language
of science, information and international communications"*1; and the theoretical
vocabulary utilized by both the critics and apologists of cyberspace was
depoliticized (postcolonial theory and the border paradigm were conveniently
overlooked) and hyper-, I mean hyper-specialized -- a combination of esperantic
"software" talk, revamped post-structuralist theory, and nouvelle psychoanalysis.
If Chicanos, Mexicans and other "people of color" didn't participate in
the net, it was presumed to be solely due to lack of interest, not money
or access. The unspoken assumption was that our true interests were "grassroots"
(which is to say, limited to our ethnic-based community institutions and
the streets of our barrios), and our modes of expression oral, folkloric
and pretechnological. In other words, we were to continue painting murals,
plotting revolutions in rowdy cafes, reciting poetry, and dancing salsa
or quebradita. Some colleagues consider the fact that Roberto and I, along
with a handful of other Chicanos, are now temporarily welcome in the cyber
"community" to be an enormous political victory. Others, more cynical,
suspect that we're invited to the "great rave of techno-consciousness"
to bring some Tex-Mex glamor and tequila to an otherwise monochromatic
and fairly puritan fiesta.
When Roberto and I began to dialogue with US artists working with new
technologies, we were perplexed by the fact that when referring to "cyberspace"
or "the net," they spoke of a politically neutral, raceless, genderless,
classless and allegedly egalitarian "territory" that would provid everyone
with unlimited opportunities for participation, interaction and belonging
-- most especially "belonging," a seductive notion at a time when no one
feels that they "belong" anywhere). There was no mention of the physical
and social isolation or fear of the "real world" that propels so many
people to get on line, invest huge amounts of time and energy there, and
convince themselves that they are having profound experiences of communication,
belonging, or discovery (three peculiarly American obsessions). To many,
the thought of exchanging identities on the net and impersonating people
of other genders, races, or ages, without risking any social or physical
consecuences was seen as liberating, rather than superficial or escapist.(*2)
The utopian rhetoric around digital reminded me of a sanitized version
of the pioneer and frontier mentalities of the Old West, and also of early
20th century futurism. Given the extent to which the US had already begun
to suffer from compassion fatigue regarding delicate issues of race, gender,
and cultural equity, it was difficult not to see this cult of technology
as an attractive means of escape from the social and racial crises afflicting
the nation in non-virtual reality.
Like the pre-multi-culti art world of the early 80's, the new, technified
art world assumed an unquestionable "center" and drew an impermeable digital
border. Those condemned to live "on the other side" included all techno-illiterate
artists, most women, Chicanos, Afro-Americans and Native Americans in
the US and Canada, along with the populations of so-called "Third World"
countries. Given the nature of this hegemonic cartography, those of us
living South of the digital border were once again forced to assume the
unpleasant but necessary roles of web-backs, cyber-aliens, techno-pirates,
and virtual coyotes (smugglers).
"In the barrios of resistance, contemporary versions of the old kilombos,
every block has a secret community center. There, the runaway youths called
Robo-Raza II or "floating greasers" publish anarchist laser-Xeroxed magazines,
edit experimental home videos about police brutality (yes, police brutality
still exists), and broadcast pirate radio and TV interventions like this
one over the most popular programs...
These clandestine centers are constantly raided, but Robo-Raza II just
move the action to the garage next door. Those who get "white-listed"
can no longer get jobs in the "Mall of Oblivion." And those who get caught
in fraganti are sent to rehabilitation clinics, where they are subjected
to instant socialization through em-pedagogic videos (from the Spanish
verb empedar, meaning to force someone to drink, and the Mayan noun agogic,
o sea, a man without a self, like many of you)."
-From "The New Word Border", City Lights, 1996
IV: First Draft of a Manifesto: Remapping Cyberspace
In the past years, many theoreticians of color, feminists and activist
artist have finally succeeded in crossing the digital border without documents.
Luckily, this recent diasporic migration has made the debates more complex
and interesting. But since "we" don't wish to reproduce the unpleasant
mistakes of the "cultural wars"(1987-1994) nor to harass the brokers,
impresarios and curators of cyberspace in such a way as to elicit a backlash,
our new strategies and priorities are quite different. "We" are no longer
trying to persuade anyone that we are worthy of inclusion; we now know
very well that we are, and will always be, either temporary insiders,
or insiders/outsiders. For the moment, what "we" (newly arrived cyber-immigrants)
desire is:
to re-map the hegemonic cartography of cyberspace
to politicize the conception of cyberspace
to develop a multicentric, theoretical understanding of the cultural,
political, and aesthetic potential of new technologies
to exchange different sorts of information -- mythopoetic, activist,
performative, imagistic
to hopefully accomplish all this with humor, inventiveness and intelligence
Chicano artists in particular want to "brownify" virtual space; to "spanglishize"
the net, and "infect" the linguas francas.
These concerns seem to have echoes throughout Latin America, Asia, Africa
and many so-called "Third World" populations within the illusory space
formerly known as the "First World."
With the increasing availability of new technologies in "our" communities,
definitions of "community art" and "politicized art" are changing dramatically.
The goal of activist artists and theoreticians is to find innovative,
grassroots applications for new technologies (i.e., to induce Latinos
and other youth of color to exchange their weapons for computers and video
cameras), and to link community centers, artistic collectives, and human
rights organizations by means of the internet. CD-roms and web sites that
reflect community values can perform a vital educational function as cultural
"memory banks" ("encyclopedias chicanicas," so to speak), spaces for encounter,
dialogue, and exchange.
To attain all this, the many (predominantly white) virtual communities
are going to have to get used to a new cultural presence (the Web-back,
el nuevo virus virtual), a new sensibility, and a variety of languages
employed in cyberspace. As for myself, hopefully one day I won't have
to write in English in order to have a voice in the new centers of international
power.
San Francisco, Califas
July of 1997
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*1: Why then, several colleagues (including Meyer and Pisani) asked
me, did I choose to write this text in English? First, because I only
know two languages, and Spanish-speaking net-users are still a micro-minority.
How else could a Mexican communicate with an African, an Indian and a
German? How else would you, whoever you are, be reading this text right
now? Secondly, I chose to write this text in English because in order
to fight a hegemonic model I believe we need to know and speak the language
of hegemonic control.
*2-Many of my feminist colleagues have expressed the belief that exchanging
genders in virtual space can be both liberating and transgressive for
women.
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